Der Stellenwert afrikanischer Konflikte für die internationale Gemeinschaft (German Edition)

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This is why we must step up in future, just like others who are defending a reliable, free and democratic order. Given that there is no evidence that the two politicians coordinated their interventions, their many points of agreement are all the more meaningful. German and French ideas on European defence remain divided by language, style, and even by some important substantive issues.

Dirk Kohnert | GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies - tememilendo.cf

This is something they should build on. World leaders are again hearing that the war in Ukraine is not over and that it is an important European country. There will now be more scrutiny of American support for Ukraine, which will help protect the country from threats to withhold it — explicit or otherwise. Ukraine is gaining prominence — so much so that Trump has even stopped calling it 'the Ukraine', which is quite something. Dabei werde viel auf die Vorbereitung des Gipfels durch die Bundesregierung ankommen.

The follow-up matters too: if the Germany conference is to be the first step towards stability, then it will inevitably be followed by a mediation process. But who are the armed groups behind the bloodshed? Where are international actors stationed in the region? And what motivates them all?

This project maps jihadist and non-jihadist groups and pinpoints the presence of external actors in the region as of May Dahinter stehe keineswegs ein gestiegenes Selbstbewusstsein, sondern eine tiefsitzende Weigerung, die neue Bedeutung der Atomwaffenfrage anzuerkennen. In some member states, folk memory of the domestic conflicts sparked by the Euromissile Crisis is evergreen. Others — particularly non-NATO members — retain a deep-seated attachment to unilateral nuclear disarmament.

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Few have any appetite for facing up to the wider implications of the deterioration of the US security guarantee to Europe under Trump. So, if the Russians and the Americans seem ready to view the painfully constructed arms control regimes of the twentieth century as disposable, most Europeans seem ready to go with the flow.

As the ECFR report cited above argues, Europeans need to take their heads out from under the duvet and start thinking seriously about how to create a 'Euro-deterrent' — that is, about how to effectively extend the deterrence capacity of the French and British nuclear arsenals to cover European partners and allies. The new high representative should move quickly to rewire European foreign policymaking to exercise strategic sovereignty.

The high representative needs more support on this strategy — from deputies, special representatives, and foreign ministers tasked with specific roles. Europe will only build greater unity by tackling controversial issues head on in the European Council and the Foreign Affairs Council. The high representative needs to play a much more active role in these debates. Anthony Dworkin zufolge findet die Idee eines internationalen Tribunals zunehmend Anklang. A tribunal would provide a powerful way of ensuring that those most responsible for the crimes of ISIS were held accountable.

But it would not generate a magical solution to the problems posed by the broad mass of European fighters and ISIS supporters in Syria. Europe should not put off the task of devising other ways to handle the detainees while discussions on an international tribunal gradually advance. Its path included public protests and external pressure from the United States and the EU which brought down long-time authoritarian prime minister Nikola Gruevski.

Meanwhile, several waves of protest have spread across the Western Balkans in recent months.


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All have been influenced by the events in North Macedonia Mehr lesen. He cannot make good on all the promises he has made either to his Libyan counterparts or to the international partners to whom he has promised preferential access and authoritarian stability. Despite the effective branding, Haftar is not actually in control of an army in the traditional sense of the term.

The LNA is a shaky alliance between various militias of tribal, religious and local interests around a core of more traditional forces who themselves are highly compromised by Salafist components. Indeed, his recent escalation was, in part, driven by these vulnerabilities and his need for quick success. In the end, Haftar has no unifying ideology on which to build a legitimate system of governance and no army to supplant the existing patchwork of militias and local forces controlling Libya. So, it is unlikely that any rule he concocts will be stable for long after his expansion ceases.

France is now highly dependent on auxiliaries and partners — be they national leaders or armed groups that patrol the borders of Mali and Niger.

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Such partnerships can have dangerous consequences, as can be seen when these auxiliaries commit human rights abuses or pursue policies that may threaten broader French stabilisation goals. Indeed, some of the instability in the region may partly result from these interventions and partnerships. Each country in the region is facing a different kind of internal threat: worsening jihadist violence in Mali and Burkina Faso; a potential increase in militancy and trafficking in northern Niger; various rebellions in northern Chad; and now a return to violence in southern Libya.

If the European — particularly French — response in each case is to merely reinforce authoritarian rule, it could inflame such militancy in the long run. It cannot prevent Russia from absorbing Belarus, nor from escalating the war in Ukraine. In environmental and climate politics, German leaders often emphasise that one should not commit to policies whose ramifications one cannot control.


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It has allowed its members a reasonable degree of flexibility in dealing with Venezuela. However, there are clear limits to what the EU can achieve without establishing a common position on Venezuela. Such measures are key to European efforts to place Maduro under real pressure. This, in turn, is causing further suspicion in European capitals that actually feel threatened.

It is not a matter of whether NATO should counter-deploy; instead the debate should focus on how to counter-deploy, and who should do this. For the moment there is no indication that the US would deploy intermediate-range systems to Europe other than the next generation cruise missiles deployed on submarines. With submarine-based deterrence off the European coast, along with some rather symbolic freefall bombs in western Europe, the balance of risks and losses looks significantly different to how it did in But there is no idea in Europe of how to properly relink American and European security, what the burden-sharing within such an arrangement would look like, or what kind of capabilities the Europeans would have to increase on their own in order to change the stakes for Russia.

Without an answer to these questions, Russian nuclear superiority over Europe will be a done deal. Trump takes control of US foreign policy Author s : A. Rebera, Matteo E. Bonfanti, E. Venier Publisher s : Publication Year: Author s : Tim Prior, Patrick A. Author s : Enzo Nussio, Corinne A.

List of abbreviations

Pernet Publisher s : Publication Year: Author s : D. Cordell, T. Sharpe Inc. Author s : J. Bonfanti Publisher s : federalismi.

Author s : C. Otto, K. Hese, F.

Prof. Dr. Thilo Marauhn

Poutier, L. Author s : Christian F. Author s : Kurt R. Spillmann Publisher s : Publication Year: Author s : Publisher s : Publication Year:. Homepage Navigation Content Sitemap Search.

Grenzverschiebungen in Europas Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik

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